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By Michael Brecher

This publication contains findings from the author's wide-ranging study in view that 1948 at the unresolved Arab/Israel protracted clash. Brecher displays again on his specified research of the UN fee created in November 1947, and his near-seven many years of analysis and courses in this advanced protracted clash persevered because the first of 9 Arab/Israeli wars. The booklet comprises an research of the the most important early section of the unresolved fight for regulate of Jerusalem in 1948-49 and past, in line with broad interviews with Israel’s leaders and renowned Egyptian senior officers, newshounds and teachers. It addresses the numerous varied makes an attempt at clash solution, together with a peace plan to unravel the Arab/Israel clash of the author's personal layout. It concludes with ancient reflections approximately Israel’s habit, regionally and externally, in 1948-1949 and 2008 and past. No different e-book in this protracted clash includes such a lot of vital interviews with the 1st generations of Israeli leaders and Egyptian officers and lecturers, and no different writer can communicate from this kind of deep and lengthy engagement.

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One of the most important is the widely shared national identity that matured during the near-seven decades of mostly intense conflict with Israel. Although Palestinians do not have the collective experience of independent statehood in their past history, they have experienced a deep sense of “national” loss and dispossession, in the form of two-thirds of the territory of Mandated Palestine (1923–48), which now belongs to its primordial enemy, Israel, or remains under Israeli occupation. A large part of this near-universal awareness of dispossession and loss is the result of the trauma of 1948–49, identified with the initial large-­ scale problem of Palestinian refugees and their accompanying loss of land and property, which remain a constant source of deprivation, material and emotional.

12). ” Toward Israel, Syria’s enmity was a product of national and religious differences, as well as its perception of insatiable Israeli aggrandizement, reinforced by the IDF capture of the Golan Heights during the June 1967 War, its extension of Israel law and administration ARAB–ISRAEL PERCEPTIONS 41 throughout this territory in 1981, and its continuing occupation of the Golan, long an integral part of Syria’s territory. Arab–Israel Perceptions of the Balance of Military Capability Throughout the Israel–Palestine segment of the Arab–Israel PC, the balance of military capability favored Israel.

Thus, it is essential to illuminate the process leading to this crucial decision-turning point in the enduring Arab–Israel conflict. Decisions The following reconstruction and analysis of Israel’s strategic decision on 11 December 1949 to make Jerusalem the seat of government is based largely on my interviews in the 1960s and 1970s with 12 Israeli political leaders and many senior officials at the time of this controversial decision 67 years ago, including four who served as Prime Minister from 1948 to 1974: David Ben-Gurion, Head of Government and Defense Minister throughout this crisis and later (1948–53, 1955–63); Moshe Sharett, Foreign Minister during this crisis and beyond (1948–56), and Prime Minister (1953–55); Levi Eshkol, Director of the Settlement Department of the Jewish Agency (1949–63) and molder of economic policy in Israel from 1952 to 1969, and Prime Minister (1963–69); and Golda Meir, Minister of Labor and National Insurance at the time of Israel’s Jerusalem strategic decision, and Prime Minister (1969–74).

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