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By Lisa Anderson

Are the criteria that start up democratization almost like those who keep a democracy already tested?

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But they insist that any country that attempted all these tasks at once would in practice find itself totally paralysed—that the stablest balance is that of stagnation. Hence the economic developer’s problem, in their view, becomes one of finding backward and forward ‘‘linkages,’’ that is, of devising a manageable sequence of tasks. Thirdly, the model does suggest one such sequence from national unity as background, through struggle, compromise, and habituation, to democ- 36 dankwart a. rustow racy.

41. , Social Origins of Dictatorship and Democracy (Boston, 1966). p. 3 42. Festinger, A Theory of Cognitive Dissonance. 43. The contrast emerges implicitly from the country studies in Dahl, ed. Political Opposition in Western Democracies. 44. Rustow, Politics of Compromise, p. 231. 45. Crick, In Defence of Politics, p. 24. ’’1 Rustow went on to declare that in his earlier model of transitions he had concentrated on countries that had well established political institutions such as Britain and Sweden.

The transformation of the Swedish Conservative Party from 1918 to 1936 vividly illustrates the point. After two decades those leaders who had grudgingly put up with democracy or pragmatically accepted it retired or died and were replaced by others who sincerely believed in it. Similarly, in Turkey there is a remarkable change from the leadership of Ismet Inonu, who promoted democracy out of a sense of duty, and Adnan Menderes, who saw in it an unprecedented vehicle for his ambition, to younger leaders in each of their parties who understand democracy more fully and embrace it more wholeheartedly.

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