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By Richard F. Doner

Why perform a little middle-income international locations diversify their economies yet fail to improve – to supply world-class items in accordance with neighborhood inputs and technological capacities? Why have the 'little tigers' of Southeast Asia, similar to Thailand, persisted to lag in the back of the Newly Industrializing international locations of East Asia? Richard Doner is going past 'political will' through emphasizing institutional capacities and political pressures: improvement demanding situations range; upgrading poses tricky demanding situations that require powerful institutional capacities. Such strengths are political in beginning. They mirror pressures, similar to safety threats and source constraints, which inspire political leaders to target potency greater than clientelist payoffs. Such pressures aid to provide an explanation for the political associations – 'veto gamers' – in which leaders function. Doner assesses this argument through reading Thai improvement traditionally, in 3 sectors (sugar, textiles, and cars) and compared to either weaker and more desirable opponents (Philippines, Indonesia, Taiwan, Brazil, and South Korea).

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Extra resources for The Politics of Uneven Development: Thailand's Economic Growth in Comparative Perspective

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23 Through its own 1984 devaluation, export-oriented investment incentives, quota opportunities, and cheap labor and land, Thailand succeeded in attracting Foreign Direct Investment (FDI) from Japan, Taiwan, and South Korea pushed by rising labor costs and currency appreciations after the 1985 Plaza Accord. 27 Productivity gaps are also reflected by three related problems: limited local inputs, high trade dependency, and, in some cases, denationalization, including in high-technology areas. ”28 This emphasis on assembly, especially by foreign firms, is reflected in the fact that the growth in Thai 21 22 23 24 25 26 27 28 World Bank (2006a, 1).

On “national innovation systems,” see Nelson (1993). On “varieties of capitalism,” see Hall and Soskice (2000). , 6). For example, Kohli (2004, 382). David Wilson, cited in Phillips (1976, 452). , national economic growth, a social movement, a party system) that we wish to understand (Brady and Collier 2004). The Challenge of Uneven Development 21 findings are potentially generalizable to other, especially middle-income, developing countries. 100 I begin in Chapter 4 at the country level by assessing change and sequence over time in Thai national institutions.

34 This growth was, to be sure, facilitated by large public infrastructural investments, especially in transport and irrigation; by a liberal trade and exchange rate regime; by extensive mechanization; and by highly fluid rural labor markets. 35 This “land-abundant” model has become less of an option since the early 1980s, when Thai farmers reached the end of the country’s land frontier. A 1999 economic survey concluded that “since the 1950s . . (Thai agricultural production) . . has undergone considerable diversification but 29 30 31 32 33 34 35 Jansen (1997a, 198).

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