By Lee Ward
Analyzing the philosophical origins of the Anglo-American political and constitutional culture in 17th century England, Lee Ward lines the old improvement of those rules from the fantastic Revolution in England in 1688 via to the yankee Revolution. Ward illuminates the resource of contemporary liberal, republican, and conservative principles approximately rights and executive by means of exploring the philosophical debate among the British and american citizens that lies on the root of the yank Revolution. His e-book may be of curiosity to political theorists, historians, and scholars of yankee and British stories.
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Extra info for The Politics of Liberty in England and Revolutionary America
And on the other side was a Jesuit scholastic defending the pope’s claim to a divinely ordained right to depose heretical civil rulers. 1 For the better part of a decade following the enactment of the oath by Parliament in 1606, Jesuit thinkers including Suarez, Roberto Bellarmine, and the Englishman Robert Parsons had criticized James’ claim to rule by divine right, even as James and his supporters, such as John Hayward and William Barclay, just as vehemently affirmed the king’s right against the claims of papal supremacy.
To the extent that Suarez and Bellarmine affirm the possibility of a multiplicity of regimes types that may be directed toward the common good, the Catholic natural law teaching on politics may be said to be a form of classical republicanism, albeit a form with serious theological dimensions. Thus, Filmer’s attack on classical republicanism is an effort to knock the classical legs out from under the Christian edifice of the scholastic political teaching. 59 Filmer even goes so far as to present Aristotle as a champion of patriarchal monarchy.
3 It is Filmer’s contention that there is a direct and palpable connection between theology and politics, between a notion “first hatched in the schools” and the political doctrine of natural liberty and legitimate resistance to monarchical authority. ”4 The passages that attract Filmer’s fire contain Bellarmine’s argument that civil power [i]s immediately in the whole multitude, as in the subject of it. For this power is by the divine law, but the divine law hath given this power to no particular man.
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