By Ugur Umit Ungor
The japanese provinces of the Ottoman Empire was once a multi-ethnic quarter the place Armenians, Kurds, Syriacs, Turks, and Arabs lived jointly within the related villages and towns. The disintegration of the Ottoman Empire and upward push of the country nation violently altered this case. Nationalist elites intervened in heterogeneous populations they pointed out as gadgets of data, administration, and alter. those frequently violent techniques of country formation destroyed old areas and emptied multicultural towns, clearing the way in which for contemporary state states.
The Making of contemporary Turkey highlights how the younger Turk regime, from 1913 to 1950, subjected japanese Turkey to varied kinds of nationalist inhabitants rules geared toward ethnically homogenizing the zone and incorporating it within the Turkish kingdom country. It examines how the regime applied applied sciences of social engineering, resembling actual destruction, deportation, spatial making plans, compelled assimilation, and reminiscence politics, to extend ethnic and cultural homogeneity in the country country. Drawing on mystery documents and unexamined files, Ugur Umit Ungor demonstrates that matters of country safeguard, ethnocultural identification, and nationwide purity have been at the back of those regulations. The japanese provinces, the heartland of Armenian and Kurdish lifestyles, grew to become an epicenter of younger Turk inhabitants rules and the theatre of unheard of degrees of mass violence.
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Extra resources for The Making of Modern Turkey
8 Diyarbekir province boasted a formidable diversity of ethnic and religious groups, small and large, scattered and concentrated, urban and rural. 9 The Ottoman Muslims, later denominated ‘Turks’, were the majority in most urban areas, for they had been occupying most administrative positions for a long time. Armenians inhabiting the cities made their livings as merchants or craftsmen and in most bazaars the majority of tradesmen were indeed Armenians. Some of these men were quite prosperous, having family members abroad and being active in politics.
13 The Yezidis, a monotheist religious group, inhabited villages in the south-eastern regions of the province. 15 The Zaza, an until recently unexplored ethnic group socially close to the Kurds, were villagers and occupied themselves with agriculture and horticulture. 16 The Arabs of the province were also named Mahalmi because of the particular dialect they spoke. 17 The Syriacs (alternatively named Assyrians or Arameans), who included all Aramaic-speaking Syrian-Orthodox, SyrianProtestant, Syrian-Catholic, Nestorian and Chaldean Christians, inhabited many villages, especially those in the south-eastern parts of the province.
For example, the two main monasteries of the Syriacs, Mor Gabriel and Deyr-ul Zaferan, were located in the Mardin district. 28 For the Muslims of Diyarbekir province the many mosques and seminaries (medrese) were important as places of worship, education, and socializing. In a society with very low literacy rates, information circulated mostly by word of mouth, as newspapers were often read out aloud in coffeehouses and bards roamed the countryside updating the people on new developments. Moreover, influential Islamic orders like the Nak$ibendi, Kadiri, Rufai, and Kiifrevi were active all over the province among large Zaza, Arab, but especially Kurdish families.
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