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By Sybil Rhodes

Explores how privatization of state-owned cell businesses ended in new shopper hobbies in Latin the United States.

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34 The decline of labor did not mean the end of popular mobilization in Latin America, however. 35 With the exception of the unemployed, such movements, while important, do not directly relate to the economic arena in the way that organized labor does. Of the new social movements, the consumer movements most frequently demand to participate in the arcane and technocratic arena of economic regulatory policy. Prior to the emergence of consumer movements, only women’s groups and popular neighborhood organizations provided a modicum of representation of consumers in Latin American policy processes.

Politics and Telecommunications Policy in Chile before Pinochet For much of the twentieth century, Chileans could be proud they lived in one of the more stable and pluralist democracies in Latin America. 4 From the 1920s the growing political influence of organized white-collar and blue-collar labor had resulted in expanded social services. The middle class and the best organized among the working class benefited the most from social policies. Economic policy under the Import Substitution Industrialization (ISI) economic development model also favored an alliance of business, the middle class, and bureaucrats.

Economic policy under the Import Substitution Industrialization (ISI) economic development model also favored an alliance of business, the middle class, and bureaucrats. Authoritarian Privatization and Delayed Consumer Mobilization 47 As most historians explain it, the 1960s saw the introduction of urban slum dwellers and peasants into the political game. The Frei government of the 1960s implemented mild land reform and other social policies, but not enough to stave off increasing demands for political representation and economic benefits.

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