By Percival, Garrick L
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This perception led to policy prescriptions calling for tougher criminal sanctions and greater use of the prison to incapacitate known offenders, deter new ones, and expand a generalized moral outrage against criminals and drug users. As Miller contends, this coalition, whose ideological and material interests (in the form of higher criminal justice budgets, staff, prestige) intersected around the simple idea of punishing offenders, had large resources and organized and operated across multiple venues in the federalist system.
The extent, timing, and path to reform in each state depend on the relative strength of the smart on crime coalition, which derives its influence from a state’s political and institutional context. Texas experienced its first major burst of reform in the 2006–2007 period. As we will see, reforms there served as a political bellwether that resonated with policy makers well outside its borders. After several false starts, Ohio’s major reform package was adopted in 2011. In each of these cases, prison alternatives reached the state’s governing agenda with the emergence of a strong smart on crime coalition as measured in its bipartisan character and institutional breadth.
Those with ambition, an eye for innovation, and a bit of luck could soon move up the socioeconomic ladder. But the poor, disabled, sick, and unlucky confronted a life extraordinarily cruel, made only worse by the Great Depression. After the end of World War II, however, states and regions of the country most influenced by New Deal values witnessed new broad-based investments in public education and several new social welfare agencies and services. Rise of the Tough on Crime Coalition • 33 Resembling the broader New Deal philosophy, correctional institutions and penal practices of this era comprised what sociologist David Garland calls “penal welfarism” (Garland 2001, pp.
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