Download Pan-Arabism before Nasser: Egyptian Power Politics and the by Michael Doran PDF

By Michael Doran

This ebook goals to change profoundly the permitted model of the historical past of post-World warfare II Egyptian overseas coverage. To this finish, Doran convincingly demonstrates the absence of any precise pan-Arab entrance from the very starting of the Arab League. Reconsidering Cairo's coverage judgements in the course of the severe years from 1944 to 1948, he proves that Egyptian nationwide pursuits have been continually put prior to the united Arab entrance opposed to Israel. Even whereas engaging within the 1948 warfare with Israel, Egypt seemed Zionism and the Palestine query as less significant than attaining independence from Britain and thwarting the expansionist goals of Iraq and Jordan. finally, this research is a daring rethinking of twentieth-century heart japanese politics and heritage, with key implications for either the examine of the continued Arab-Israeli clash and the risky politics of the center East regularly.

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Extra info for Pan-Arabism before Nasser: Egyptian Power Politics and the Palestine Question

Sample text

In contrast to the cases of Turkey and Iran, however, Moscow, out of deference to the British, did not attempt to bludgeon the Greek government into submission. 59 Having relegated the country to the British sphere of interest, Stalin refrained from making any direct demands on Athens. 60 Allowing the Greek sore to fester, within the confines of the Anglo-Soviet understanding, served Soviet interests in the postwar bargaining over spheres of influence. Whenever the British or the Americans protested against the heavy-handed policy of the Russians in countries and territories under Soviet occupation, Moscow found it convenient to counter the accusations by pointing to the British use of force in Greece.

72 The logic of this bifurcated Soviet policy suggested that, in the event of the Anglo-Egyptian dispute becoming public and international—for instance, by being placed before the Security Council—the Soviets would not hesitate to take an anti-British position, just as they had done in the cases of Indonesia, Greece, and the Levant. 73 Of course, the possibility of the Soviet Union and Egypt tacitly cooperating at the United Nations against Britain depended not just on the policies of Moscow but on those of Cairo as well.

Ultimately, the roots of the hostility toward the British demand for the right to reoccupy the bases lay in the collective Egyptian experience in both world wars. Hordes of foreign soldiers swarmed over the cities, and statesmen in London dictated the policies of Cairo. Granting the British the ability to return yet again seemed, in the eyes of many, like inviting a repetition of the indignities that Egypt had already suffered twice in the past. In order to make the British alliance palatable to the Egyptian people, therefore, Sidqi needed a formula that would allow him, at the very least, to guarantee that Egyptian sovereignty would not be compromised for yet a third time.

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