By Pauline Jones Luong
This publication makes crucial claims: first, that mineral-rich states are cursed no longer via their wealth yet, relatively, by way of the possession constitution they selected to control their mineral wealth and moment, that susceptible associations aren't inevitable in mineral-rich states. every one represents an important departure from the normal source curse literature, which has handled possession constitution as a relentless throughout time and house and has presumed that mineral-rich nations are incapable of both construction or maintaining robust associations – quite economic regimes. The adventure of the 5 petroleum-rich Soviet successor states (Azerbaijan, Kazakhstan, the Russian Federation, Turkmenistan, and Uzbekistan) presents a transparent problem to either one of those assumptions. Their respective developmental trajectories on the grounds that independence show not just that possession constitution can range even throughout international locations that proportion a similar institutional legacy but in addition that this modification is helping to give an explanation for the divergence of their next financial regimes.
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Extra resources for Oil Is Not a Curse: Ownership Structure and Institutions in Soviet Successor States
These claims are investigated in Chapter 4 on the basis of a data set that combines the classiﬁcation of democratic forms of government with information on the government’s partisan composition and legislative support. The ﬁndings are straightforward. Coalition governments are more frequent in parliamentary democracies but are common in presidential ones: between 1946 and 2002, they occurred in about three ﬁfths of the “country-years” when no party commanded a majority of legislative seats. In almost three fourths of these cases the coalition reached majority status and lasted at least as long as the coalitions formed in parliamentary or mixed systems.
Presidential, Parliamentary, and Mixed Democracies no conﬁdence in the government only once in each of the two annual legislative sessions. Article 117 of the 1993 Russian constitution – probably the most restrictive in the set of democratic constitutions – requires that the Duma approve a motion of no conﬁdence in the government twice within three months before the president is forced to choose between the resignation of the government and the dissolution of the assembly. But even in these restrictive cases the government is subject to the conﬁdence of the assembly in a way that it is not under presidential constitutions, where the government cannot under any circumstances be removed by a vote of the legislative assembly.
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