Download Neoliberal Hegemony and the Pink Tide in Latin America: by Tom Chodor PDF

By Tom Chodor

Chodor examines the struggles opposed to neoliberal hegemony in Latin the United States, less than the 'Pink Tide' of leftist governments. using a severe overseas Political economic climate framework derived from the paintings of Antonio Gramsci, he seems at its so much favourite participants – Venezuela less than Hugo Chávez and Brazil lower than Lula and Dilma Rousseff. the writer argues that Venezuela's Bolivarian Revolution represents a counter-hegemonic undertaking that seeks to build an intensive replacement to neoliberalism, whereas the Brazilian venture is healthier understood as a passive revolution aiming to re-secure consent for neoliberal hegemony by means of making fabric and ideological concession to the Brazilian plenty. regardless of their adjustments, the 2 tasks cooperate on the neighborhood point, riding the method of nearby integration that goals to make Latin the USA extra politically, economically and ideologically self sufficient within the neoliberal international order. The booklet indicates this method opens up possibilities for a fairer, extra filthy rich and extra democratic Latin the United States within the twenty first century, demanding American hegemony and its neoliberal venture in doing so.

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Neoliberal Hegemony and the Pink Tide in Latin America: Breaking Up With TINA?

Chodor examines the struggles opposed to neoliberal hegemony in Latin the United States, less than the 'Pink Tide' of leftist governments. using a severe foreign Political economic climate framework derived from the paintings of Antonio Gramsci, he seems at its so much admired participants – Venezuela less than Hugo Chávez and Brazil less than Lula and Dilma Rousseff.

Additional info for Neoliberal Hegemony and the Pink Tide in Latin America: Breaking Up With TINA?

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Accordingly, bourgeois class power was embedded in what Gramsci referred to as the ‘integral state,’ that is, the ‘entire complex of theoretical and practical activity with which the ruling class not only justifies and maintains its dominance but manages to win the active consent of those over whom it rules’ (Gramsci 1971: 244). The integral state encompassed both the state proper, with its coercive means of rule as a last resort, and civil society, where consent predominated. Together, they formed one totality: a ‘hegemony protected by the armour of coercion’ (Gramsci 1971: 263).

Consequently, there can be no universal or predetermined notions of human nature, nor can there be universal iron laws of history derived from such nature. Rather, since the circumstances under which humans socially interact with nature are always changing as a result of their own productive activity, both their human nature and the world which they create can only be deducted through historical analysis. From this perspective, therefore, if humans act as egotistic self-interested individuals, this is not a consequence of some innate and ahistorical human nature but rather the result of a specific social organisation of production which has been historically constructed.

While subjecting the working class to a renewed discipline under a post-Fordist ‘flexible-accumulation’ regime, this historic bloc has also increasingly shaped the consciousness of workers and others in favour of the common sense of individualistic consumerism and consumption that enables an ideological project underpinned by the neoliberal ideological exaltation of the virtues of the free market, free trade, and liberal individualism. This social vision, propagated by neoliberal organic intellectuals operating in the nascent global civil society, has sought to secure consent for the neoliberal world order.

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