By Toni Alaranta
National and nation identification in Turkey makes use of the techniques of nationwide and country identification to envision Turkey’s family and overseas politics and clarify how the country’s place within the overseas approach has replaced during the last ten years. kingdom identification is known because the final result of a remodeled nationwide identification, linking either family and overseas degrees.
Toni Alaranta argues that there was a thorough reformulation of Turkey’s nationwide id, curiosity, and positioning on the earth because the Justice and improvement celebration (AKP) got here to strength in 2002. This remodeled identification has helped the rustic renegotiate its prestige on this planet. He first examines the altering nature of Turkey’s nationwide identification prior to the fight among severe positions—secularism and Islamism. He then explains how the “New Turkey” discourse is a part of an Islamic-conservative ideology that ambitions the concept of the “domestic other,” or minorities, as opposed to the Turkish-Muslim “self.” This discourse is reworking not just the thought of nationwide identification but in addition Turkey’s kin with the remainder of the realm, and especially with the ecu Union.
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Additional resources for National and State Identity in Turkey: The Transformation of the Republic's Status in the International System
Besides this, it has been asserted that in emphasizing the unitary state-asactor, realists have usually made the further assumption that the state is essentially a rational actor. In this perspective a rational foreign policy decision-making process would include a statement of objectives, consideration of all feasible alternatives in terms of existing capabilities available to the state, the relative likelihood of attaining these objectives by the various alternatives under consideration, and the benefits or costs associated with each alternative (Viotti and Kauppi 1987, 6–7).
The notion of status refers to international stratification. In addition, it is based on the assumption that any international system has a pattern of stratification that reflects differentials of involvement in the affairs of the system, the extent of foreign commitments, military capabilities, prestige, and the level of economic-technological development (Holsti 1970). Thus, not for a moment does the emphasis on identity imply that the material distribution of capabilities is irrelevant. As a matter of fact, even though Wendt claims that the international system is a social structure, it is just as much a material structure.
It is indeed noteworthy that nothing similar—public expressions of deeply felt common politico-cultural causes—is registered in Turkey’s relationship with the EU or the United States. As this study demonstrates, the Islam-originated concept of a “cause” (dava) indeed becomes one of the core concepts linking domestic and foreign policy levels together in the AKP’s political discourse. For the domestic audiences, previous Prime Minister Erdoğan recurrently proclaimed that he is the continuation, and the contemporary expression, of a major historical struggle, a common dava, where the adversary is the westernizing-secularizing Kemalist actor.
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