By Senem Aslan
Why perform a little ethno-national teams reside peacefully with the states that govern them, while others become critical threats to nation authority? via a comparative historic research, this booklet compares the evolution of Kurdish mobilization in Turkey with the Berber mobilization in Morocco by way of the various nation-building recommendations of the respective states. utilizing various resources, together with archival files, interviews, and memoirs, Senem Aslan emphasizes the various degrees of willingness and the various services of the Turkish and Moroccan states to interfere into their electorate' lives. She argues that complicated interactions on the flooring point - the place states have demanded alterations in daily habit, comparable to tips on how to costume, what language to talk, what names to provide little ones, and extra mundane practices - account for the character of rising state-minority family. via taking the neighborhood and casual interactions among country officers and electorate heavily, this examine calls cognizance to the particular implementation of nation regulations and the usually unintentional results of those regulations.
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Additional resources for Nation-Building in Turkey and Morocco: Governing Kurdish and Berber Dissent
10 What explains the different nation-building strategies of these states? The literature on states in the Middle East emphasizes differences between republican and monarchical strategies in national identity construction. Lisa Anderson underlines that unlike republics, which seek social homogeneity, monarchies support social diversity. Monarchs, she writes, “thrive on multiplicity and avail themselves of considerable ambiguity and nuance in defining the members of their realm” (2000, 56). Different nation-building strategies originate from different ideas of legitimacy.
Both shahs did not encourage social diversity and did not endorse a gradualist approach to modernization. Neither has Saudi Arabia been tolerant of diversity within its realm. On the contrary, the Saudi monarchy has propagated a strong official ideology, Wahhabism, and undertook a massive social-engineering effort to shape its society, even at the level of everyday behavior, in line with the norms of Wahhabism. Therefore, regime type alone falls short of explaining the nation-building strategies that states endorse.
Second, this study challenges the functionalist approaches to stateand nation-building processes. State-centric, functionalist approaches to nationalism take it as axiomatic that building a national identity and a homogeneous nation is essential to building an effective state. The Turkish case shows that such an intrinsic relationship between state-building and nation-building should not be exaggerated. As the Turkish example shows, the state’s attempts at building a national identity and a culturally homogeneous population can in fact weaken its ability to exercise effective social control and to legitimize its rule, at least within certain parts of its population.
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