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By Markus Koller, Vera Costantini

This e-book devoted to Suraiya Faroqhi exhibits that the early smooth global was once not just characterised by way of its having been break up up into states with closed frontiers. Writing heritage 'from the bottom', through treating the Ottoman Empire and different international locations as 'subjects of history', reduces the significance of political borders for doing old study. every one social, fiscal and spiritual crew had its personal world-view and in lots of the instances the borders of those groups weren't exact with the political frontiers.Regarding the Ottoman Empire and the opposite early sleek states as platforms of alternative ecumenical groups instead of merely as political devices deals a distinct method of a greater figuring out of many of the ways that their matters interacted. during this context the time period ecumenical neighborhood designates social, spiritual and monetary teams increase cross-border groups. varied ecumenical groups overlapped in the barriers of a nation or in a particular quarter and gave them their particular characters. This festschrift for Suraiya Faroqhi goals to explain the various shut contacts among a number of ecumenical groups inside of and past the Ottoman borders.

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Extra resources for Living in the Ottoman Ecumenical Community: Essays in Honour of Suraiya Faroqhi (Ottoman Empire and Its Heritage)

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Par ailleurs, il y avait des torts causés par une personne à autrui, une situation qui pouvait être réglée devant le tribunal entre l’auteur et la victime ou les proches de celle-ci28. L’appréciation des offenses et de leurs punitions pouvait varier cependant selon les écoles juridiques, l’époque ou encore selon le pays29. Dans notre cas, vu la sévérité des punitions, on peut se poser la question de la catégorie dans laquelle il faudrait classer les méfaits dont furent accusés Halil çavuş et le cheikh Ibrahim.

261–296. L’article est consacré essentiellement à l’activité de Süleyman dans la partie européenne de l’État ottoman, mais on y évoque aussi sa présence en Asie Mineure, cf. pp. 290–291. 42 Schreiner, Die byzantinischen Kleinchroniken . . , p. 401. 43 Emir Süleyman avait aussi un fils nommé Mehmed qui réussit, on ne sait comment, à échapper au bourreau. Il mourut à Darende et fut enterré à Amasya. L’inscription sur sa tombe porte la date du 5 muharrem 825 (30 décembre 1421). Il est désigné curieusement comme Mehmed şah fils du sultan Süleyman : I.

43 Emir Süleyman avait aussi un fils nommé Mehmed qui réussit, on ne sait comment, à échapper au bourreau. Il mourut à Darende et fut enterré à Amasya. L’inscription sur sa tombe porte la date du 5 muharrem 825 (30 décembre 1421). Il est désigné curieusement comme Mehmed şah fils du sultan Süleyman : I. H. Uzunçarşılı, Memlûk Sultanları yanına iltica etmiş olan Osmanlı Hanedanına Mensub Şehzadeler, dans « Belleten » XVII (1953), fasc. 68, pp. 519–535, pp. 521–522. indd 44 3/11/2008 4:09:19 PM ÜBER URKUNDENFÄLSCHUNG IM OSMANISCHEN REICH Hans Georg Majer Als die bis 1967 bekannt gewordenen Urkunden der ersten drei osmanischen Sultane Osman (ca.

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