By Uriel Dann
While the younger Hussein turned the King of Jordan in 1953, traditional knowledge held that his days have been numbered. because the embodiment of the socially conservative, pro-Western Jordanian nation, he appeared little capable of face up to the emerging forces of pan-Arab radicalism. but Hussein and the Jordanian monarchy haven't in simple terms persisted, they've got thrived, and proceed to play an important position in heart jap politics. Historian Uriel Dann the following explores the political heritage of the early life of the Jordanian kingdom, uncovering the resources of its toughness opposed to forces trying to essentially regulate the conventional bases of Arab politics.
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Additional resources for King Hussein and the Challenge of Arab Radicalism: Jordan, 1955-1967 (Studies in Middle Eastern History)
Saudi Arabia shared many principles with Jordan: the dynastic enmity was a thing of the past as far as Hussein was concerned. King Saud's alignment with radical Egypt and Syria was a momentary aberration caused by the Buraymi dispute and jealousy of Iraq, which would disappear once the Saudi king and his advisers realized their own true interests. Thus Hussein. The Nabulsi Interlude 43 The first major business before the new government was the AngloJordanian treaty. Until the Suez crisis, public opinion in Jordan had not unanimously desired the treaty's abrogation.
I FIRST TRIALS This page intentionally left blank 1 Last of the Beaten Track If 1955 was a turning point in the history of the Middle East, 1954 set the stage for this drama. At the periphery, Turkey and Pakistan concluded a defense treaty that aimed at bridging the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) and the Southeast Asia Treaty Organization (SEATO), a move inspired by Great Power politics and as yet of no direct interest to the Arab world. But in August 1954, Nuri al-Sa'id resumed power at Baghdad and at once set out to engineer Iraq's inclusion in the treaty, and in doing so turned the alliance into a lever to achieve Iraq's dominance in the Arab world.
But when necessary, they stood, of course, with the opposition. Considering the atmosphere and the prevailing stresses, the loyalists made a respectable showing in the elections. Their number—sixteen, ignoring the Muslim Brothers—and their geographical distribution gave them a measure of credibility as a loyal Rump, should the day of reckoning arrive. However, it is too much to attribute to the young king the farsightedness of considering this possibility when on 27 October he invited the chairman of the National Socialists, Sulayman al-Nabulsi, to form the new government.
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