By Ludger Helms (eds.)
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Manfred G. Schmidt, ‘The Parties-Do-Matter-Hypothesis and the Case of the Federal Republic of Germany’, German Politics, 4 (1995), p. 10. Wolfram F. Hanrieder, West German Foreign Policy, 1949–1963: International Pressure and Domestic Response (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1967), p. 228. See Rudolf Hrbek, ‘Die Auswirkungen der EU-Integration auf den Föderalismus in Deutschland’, Aus Politik und Zeitgeschichte, B 24/1997, pp. 12–21. Beate Kohler-Koch, ‘Bundeskanzler Kohl – Baumeister Europas: Randbemerkungen zu einem zentralen Thema’ (Mannheim: mimeo, 1998).
See also Roland Sturm in this volume. See Joanna McKay, ‘Berlin–Brandenburg? Nein danke! The Referendum on the Proposed Länderfusion’, German Politics, 5 (1996), pp. 485–502. See Charlie Jeffery, ‘The Non-Reform of the German Federal System after Unification’, West European Politics, 18 (1995), pp. 252–72. See S. Scarrow (note 12). See Andreas Klages and Petra Paulus, Direkte Demokratie in Deutschland: Impulse aus der deutschen Einheit (Marburg: Schüren, 1996), pp. 21–143. : Suhrkamp, 1991), p.
The shift of power from the federation to the Länder has been accompanied by an intensification of inter-Länder coordination and co-operation concerning EU-related matters. As Klaus Goetz has argued, ‘these adaptive reactions have not, however, challenged any of the defining characteristics of German federalism. ’83 The main ‘losers’ of the European integration process are comparatively easier to identify. 84 The second major political institution for which further deepening of European integration has meant a gradual loss of power is the Federal Constitutional Court.
