By Peter Scholten
Debates on immigrant integration frequently middle on “national versions of integration,” an idea that displays the need of either researchers and coverage makers to discover universal floor. This booklet demanding situations the concept there has ever been a coherent or constant Dutch version of integration and asserts that notwithstanding Dutch society has lengthy been obvious as exemplary for its multiculturalism—and argues that the incorporation of migrants continues to be one of many country’s such a lot urgent social and political matters. as well as an research of the way immigration is framed and reframed via assorted dialogues, the writer offers a hugely dynamic evaluate of integration coverage and its evolution along migration research.** [C:\Users\Microsoft\Documents\Calibre Library]
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Extra resources for Framing Immigrant Integration: Dutch Research-Policy Dialogues in Comparative Perspective
Thus, models are taken as specific frames that may emerge in policy and research, and the primary objective of this study is to analyse how and why these frames rise and fall, rather than to establish whether a particular frame is true or false. In short, this book appreciates the dynamics behind the models more than the theoretical value of the models themselves. 32 FRAMING IMMIGRANT INTEGRATION This does not, however, imply a radical-constructivist approach to immigrant integration. Such would deny the possibility of defining immigrant integration in any meaningful way and deny any empirical relevance of models of integration.
For instance, as politicians try to convey positive images about particular policy frames, and despite opponents highlighting the deficiencies of such policies, it is quite possible that words will succeed where policies actually fail (Edelman 1988). Secondly, naming issues involves the social classification of relevant groups or categories (Yanow 2000). Defining whose problem it is, and why it is a problem, is an important aspect of issue framing. Social classification involves defining groups using a particular group structure or categories that share a set of characteristics.
This means that a field structure is not seen as an exogenous constraint on actor relations, but as their endogenous product. Field structures constrain and enable social relations through what Bourdieu (1988) describes as relatively enduring dispositions – the ‘habitus’ of actors. Habitus does not involve a form of conscious rule-following but rather, a sort of ‘feeling’ or ‘sense for the game’. It is in the regularities of the actors’ habitus that field structures exist. Furthermore, the habitus reflects the capital an actor possesses.
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