By Pieter Vanhuysse
Regardless of dramatic raises in poverty, unemployment, and social inequalities, the valuable and japanese ecu transitions from communism to marketplace democracy within the Nineteen Nineties were remarkably peaceable. This publication proposes a brand new reason for this unforeseen political quiescence. It indicates how reforming governments in Poland, Hungary and the Czech Republic were in a position to hinder colossal waves of moves and protests through the strategic use of welfare country courses reminiscent of pensions and unemployment merits. Divide and Pacify explains how social rules have been used to avoid vast task losses with softening exertions marketplace guidelines, or to separate up hugely aggrieved teams of staff in precarious jobs by means of sending a few of them onto unemployment merits etc onto early retirement and incapacity pensions. From a slender monetary point of view, those regulations frequently looked to be immensely high priced or irresponsibly populist. but a extra inclusive social-scientific standpoint can shed new mild on those possible irrational guidelines via pointing to deeper political factors and wider sociological results.
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Additional info for Divide and Pacify: Strategic Social Policies and Political Protests in Post-Communist Democracies
8 and 81 percent, the new 26 Divide and Pacify president Pérez assumed office with a neo-liberal package. Colombia experienced good macro-economic indicators and underwent no austere structural reforms. 4 percent and annual average inflation at 13 percent. During 1985–1988, annual average GDP growth stood at 4 percent, and annual inflation at 22 percent. Colombia experienced only a short populist episode, under Belacur from 1982 until 1984. See Przeworski (1991, 184), Haggard and Kaufman (1992, 285–286; 1995, 175), and Bresser Pereira (1993, 20, 37–48).
Real wage decline and soaring inflation led voters in four of these cases to adopt sophisticated attitudes. They were willing to make inter-temporal trade-offs and to uphold or increase support for reforming governments. But rising unemployment levels led voters in all five cases unambiguously to turn against governments. During the radical reforms introduced by Finance Minister Leszek Balcerowicz in January 1990, many Poles were willing to accept that continued reforms were necessary to prevent a further fall in real wages and to control inflation, and that unemployment indicated that reforms were working.
Excommunist parties, which faced still stronger credibility problems than unions, re-manned their leadership positions and were brought back to power already in 1993 (Poland) and 1994 (Hungary). Of those who held political elite positions in Hungary and Poland in 1993, only 18 and 15 percent had been high-level party, state, or economic officials in 1988, while respectively 45 and 38 percent had had no subordinates whatsoever 33 Political Quiescence despite Conditions for Conflict in 1988. 18 After all, successful protest movements can thrive by appropriating the resources of existing organizational structures even when the latter were originally set up for other ends (McAdam, 1999).
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