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Finally, although a distinction can be made between spontaneous and prepared speech, particularly when these notions are tied to technical specifications of different speech exchange systems, the idea that conversation is ever unplanned is also problematic. All talk is designed to achieve a particular goal at a particular moment in a particular conversation. Furthermore, it is designed for a particular recipient. Thus, the notion of “recipient design” (Sacks et al. 1974) is inextricably bound up with the idea of moment-by-moment planning.
This understanding of the nature of repair in SLA is broadly consistent with more recent work by Schegloff (1991a) in CA, who argued that repair can be analyzed as an example of socially distributed cognition. By extension, the same claim can be made for sequencing and turn-taking. This development potentially clears the way for a convergence of perspectives between SLA researchers and conversation analysts on the utility of CA as a methodological resource for SLA studies. However, this convergence has radical implications for mainstream SLA.
1974), in that socioeconomic status, gender, biographies or other such ethnographic data are not used a priori to explain how members organize and make sense of the talk that they construct for each other. For these reasons, the production of additional texts by the original participants to explain or comment on what they “really” meant in the primary text is avoided, because such texts can only serve to confuse the analysis. This is because self-report data do not explicate the original behaviors so much as reconstruct and reinterpret them (see also Lantolf, 1994a, who comes to a similar conclusion), and these reconstructions are not necessarily more accurate or insightful than the original interpretations of the observed behavior.
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