By J. Blondel (eds.)
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Almond and Verba's work on the Civic Culture showed, as was noted in the first section, that the precise measurement of culture was possible. But the study covered five countries only and a general coverage must take place before a Cutright-type analysis of cultural variables can be undertaken. But Cutright's work at least showed that a substantial part of the variations (about one-third) remained unaccounted for by socio-economic indicators: specific cultural patterns and 'historical accidents' have thus a large part to play.
Essentially Static In general the traditional approach has ignored the dynamic factors that account for growth and change. It has concentrated on what we have called political anatomy. After the evolutionary premises of some of the original works in the nineteenth century were abandoned, students of political institutions apparently lost all interest in the formulation of other theories in the light of which change could be comparatively studied. The question of sovereignty and its location occupied students of politics for a long time; the study of constitutional structures became a favorite pastime, though no particular effort was made to evaluate the effectiveness of constitutional forms in achieving posited goals or to analyze the conditions underlying the success or failure of constitutionalism.
This characteristic of the model does not lead to major distortions for 'constitutional' systems, since, as we noted, constitutional government makes only limited attempts at modifying prevailing norms and since the ethos of constitutional government consists precisely in freeing society from the constraints which might prevent patterns of behaviour from manifesting themselves: consequently, constitutional government allows 'natural' norms to develop from the repetition of these behavioural patterns.
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