By Brett Christophers
This compelling contribution to modern debates concerning the banking deals a different viewpoint on its geographical and conceptual ‘placement’. It strains the evolving hyperlinks among the 2, revealing how our notions of banking ‘productiveness’ have developed along the transferring loci of banking activity.
- An unique contribution to the pressing debates occurring on banking sparked by way of the present fiscal quandary
- Offers a different point of view at the geographical and social inspiration of ‘placement’ of the banking industry
Combines theoretical methods from political economic system with modern literature at the performativity of economics
Details the globalization of Western banking, and analyzes how representations of the banking sector’s productivity have shifted during the evolution of Western financial theory
- Analyzes the social conceptualization of the character – and cost – of the banking industry
- Illuminates not just how financial rules ‘perform’ and form the commercial global, yet how these rules are themselves continually items of specific fiscal realities
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Additional resources for Banking Across Boundaries: Placing Finance in Capitalism
36 A headline familiarity with this narrative, and with the nature of those pre-existing activities, will stand us in good stead for what follows, so I will rehearse it briefly here. In Melton’s telling, there were two primary institutional antecedents in England to modern banks proper: scriveners (or loan brokers) and money-lenders. While there were certain similarities between the two, and both sets of activities were regulated by the terms of seventeenth-century usury laws (usury, of course, by this stage having taken on its “newer” meaning pertaining to interest rate ceilings rather than the charging of interest per se), there were nonetheless key differences of both business model and means of income generation.
16 Such pains were experienced most acutely of all by the Church. It was the Catholic Church that, since its very inception, had consistently led the campaign against interest in the Judeo-Christian world; and it was the nonconformist churches and their leading theologians that, from the early fifteenth century, decisively reshaped the meaning of usury and, more importantly, the underlying moral economy of 32 W O R L D S A PA R T lending money at interest. 18 The rest of the Western world gradually followed suit.
Callon (ed), The Laws of the Markets, Blackwell, Oxford, 1998; MacKenzie, An Engine; MacKenzie et al. ; and the special issue “Performativity, Economics and Politics” of the Journal of Cultural Economy, 3(2), 2010. T. Mitchell, “The properties of markets,” in MacKenzie et al. (eds), Do Economists Make Markets? (244–275). F. Block and G. 767–768. A. Mennicken and P. 4; original emphasis. g. K. Mitchell, S. Marston and C. Katz (eds), Life’s Work: Geographies of Social Reproduction, Blackwell, Oxford, 2004.
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