By Yezid Sayigh
Equipped upon an unparalleled volume of entry to PLO files, professional courses, and the interior files of assorted guerrilla teams, in addition to over 400 interviews performed via the writer with the rank-and-file of the PLO, this groundbreaking e-book presents a definitive account of the Palestinian nationwide stream. overlaying completely the forty-five years among the institution of the country of Israel in 1948 to the PLO-Israel accord of 1993, this examine sheds a lot new mild at the background of the center East within the latter half the 20th century.
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Additional info for Armed Struggle and the Search for State: The Palestinian National Movement, 1949-1993
Besides leaving the Palestinians unable to protect their economic interests, the lack of state deprived them of the opportunity to develop traditions and institutions of self-rule. It had equally significant implications for the development of national identity, which could not be embodied in a single, recognized body. 3* This is not to deny that opposition to British rule and the Zionist threat formed a powerful common bond. 34 It was subsumed within a broader anti-colonial patriotism, along with clan, place of origin, religion, and Arab (or pan-Syrian) ethnicity.
23 The most significant shift in British policy came in July 1937, when the Peel Commission, which was set up to investigate the Palestine problem in the wake of the 1936 revolt, recommended partitioning the country into two states. 24 Britain had come close to accepting Palestinian statehood, but was met with the unyielding demand for an Arab government over the whole of the country. The renewal of the Palestinian revolt prompted the British government to go much further in its official White Paper of May 1939, in which it proposed a unitary state and full independence after ten years (subject to 'such relations between the Arabs and the Jews as would make good government possible'), coupled with severe limitations on Jewish immigration and landownership.
22 At the same time they nurtured alternative bodies as potential rival claimants for leadership and the power to dispense political patronage within the Arab community, such as the Supreme Muslim Council, established in 1922 and headed by the British-appointed mufti, Muhammad Amin alHusayni. Seeking to restore its position, the Congress resolved in June 1928 to attain a representative council and authorized its main leaders, Musa Kazim al-Husayni and his long-standing rival Raghib al-Nashashibi, to open negotiations with the British High Commissioner towards this end, but the outbreak of riots in August 1929, in which the ambitious young Amin played an important part, conclusively derailed the tentative agreement they had reached.
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