By Gabriel Piterberg
Within the house of six years early within the 17th century, the Ottoman Empire underwent such turmoil and trauma--the assassination of the younger ruler Osman II, the re-enthronement and next abdication of his mad uncle Mustafa I, for a start--that a student reported the period's three-day-long dramatic climax "an Ottoman Tragedy." lower than Gabriel Piterberg's deft research, this era of predicament turns into a old laboratory for the background of the Ottoman Empire within the 17th century--an chance to watch the dialectical play among background as an incidence and event and historical past as a recounting of that have. Piterberg reconstructs the Ottoman narration of this fraught interval from the foundational textual content, produced within the early 1620s, to the composition of the nation narrative on the finish of the 17th century. His paintings brings theories of historiography into discussion with the particular interpretation of Ottoman historic texts, and forces a rethinking of either Ottoman historiography and the Ottoman nation within the 17th century. A provocative reinterpretation of an important occasion in Ottoman historical past, this paintings reconceives the relation among historiography and historical past.
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Additional info for An Ottoman Tragedy: History and Historiography at Play
30 The rift between Osman II and the kul should be contextualized before the story unfolds further. ” 31 By the seventeenth century this relationship already had an established pattern and reciprocity that could not be easily violated. As this event amply demonstrates, the kul felt that they had the right—and power—to determine whether the ruler was adhering to the established pattern or straying from it. Instances of parsimoniousness and an arbitrary attitude as a major cause for the kul’s resentment abound.
His work was written not more than a decade after Apz’s and was an attempt to amalgamate three clusters of historical sources: the ﬁrst was a group of works of which Apz’s text is a major representative; the second comprised what can be called court histories (most notably Ahmedi’s and S¸ukrüllah’s); and the third comprised annalistic calendars. Menage’s analysis of Nes¸ri’s text and Kafadar’s argument suggest that although these clusters had common features, they at the same time kept their distinct identity.
When one vile, disrespectfully nasty [person] named Altuncuog˘lu pinched the foot of the blessed padishah and uttered some nonsense, the oppressed deceased wept: “O [you] bad-mannered, am I not your padishah? ” 39 Sultan Osman had wanted to replace the kul and recruit Anatolian sekban (irregulars to whom much attention is paid in Chapter 8), whether or not he was following the advice of the chief black eunuch. This was deﬁnitely one of the most controversial and signiﬁcant features of his plan, and it was now sarcastically thrown in his face: Others further said: “Was it with sekban that your forefathers conquered provinces?
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